It is the law that judges, not the judge. - a Norwegian proverb


The Relevance of the Sabarimala Temple Ban Lift

On 28th September 2018, the Indian Supreme Court upheld the secular laws of the land. In a 4:1 majority verdict, the ban on entry of women of menstruating age into the Sabarimala temple was lifted. In the wake of this contentious decision, the reach of the law into matters of faith is being repeatedly questioned in various forms.
The traditional Sabarimala ban has been justified based on notion of impurity attached to the menstrual cycle; menstruating women are assigned a range of derogatory terms from “temptresses” to “impure”, all possessing the ability to threaten the celibacy of the deity, Ayappa. In actuality, the myths of Ayappa have no such stipulation attached to them, so it seems that our patriarchal culture has simply used religion as a vehicle to discriminate against women. But even if the content of the myths and legends surrounding Ayappa had expressed prejudice against menstruating women, it is not the role of the secular court to set store by these notions and allow the continuation of a discriminatory practice. There is also the context of well-documented and ongoing discrimination and ill-treatment of menstruating women in India to be considered. Prejudice against menstruating women has been maintained by lack of education and patriarchal control, resulting in exclusion of women from key social activities, from disallowing entrance into a kitchen to a temple. The court’s verdict likely acknowledged this cultural prejudice and is a move to lessen the stigma around menstruation.
People protesting against the verdict are accusing the judiciary of unfairly interfering in native traditions and disrespecting Hindu religious sentiment. This attitude represents a fundamental misunderstanding of the role of the judiciary. The Supreme Court ruled upon the subject based on pleas brought forth by petitioners, and not as a deliberate attempt to target the Hindu community, as some dissenting voices are suggesting. To say something along the lines of: “What about that practice X, why is that still acceptable?” forgets the crucial detail that the Sabarimala issue came to the Supreme Court to be evaluated, whilst other issues may not have been. Therefore, judgement can only be passed on the issue at hand and cannot be applied to other situations. This ruling does set a precedent for other such issues of religion that can be seen as conflicting with personal liberties, but each case will be evaluated on its own merit. So, to accuse the Supreme Court of targeting and interfering in a particular religion’s affairs is unfair. The secularity of the judiciary means that the law is given precedent over all other interests and sentiment, and this results in liberal verdicts such as this one and the Section 377  and Triple Talaq ruling – among others – earlier in the year.
Interestingly, Justice Indu Malhotra, the sole objector in the judging panel believed that the anti-ban ruling was ill-fitting because “notions of rationality cannot be invoked in matters of religion”. This separation of the state and religion is a fundamental tenant of a secular state. To those like Justice Malhotra, the judiciary’s deliberate detachment from religion has resulted in a culturally-insensitive ruling; a defect of the secular system. The secularity is considered positive or negative based on the convenience of the issue, simply revealing our own ideological inconsistencies. If the judiciary were to behave in such an inconsistent manner, it would be difficult to establish a common set of values that hold the nation together due to their universal applicability. As much as we value the religious and cultural diversity of our nation, we must also acknowledge that our constitutional code is what attempts to maintain harmony between these varying interests. Thus, occasionally, the state is compelled to invoke rationality in matters of religion, and verdicts should be judged on how they are in keeping with the laws. Whilst Indu Malhotra may have disagreed with her counterparts’ voting and the resulting verdict she ultimately respects the Supreme Court’s jurisdiction.
The strangest aspect of the backlash is the number of women that are protesting the Supreme Court’s verdict. Some people wrongfully conclude from the female opposition that the verdict must be unfeminist, and therefore misguided in its attempt to liberate women. Their ire is considered grounds for criticising the lifting of the ban, using the classic line of “You’re doing this for women’s liberation? Clearly, it’s not liberating to these women”. The premise of this verdict is not to appease women, it is to uphold the constitutional rights of freedom of religious practise and equality under the law, based upon which the barring of entry to a temple on grounds of menstruation is classed as discrimination.
Whilst people are quick to notice the women protesting the verdict, the women who fought for roughly 30 years to end this ban are being conveniently being ignored. Is it worth comparing the number of women on each side of the aisle? Short answer: No. Long answer: The judiciary doesn’t function based on majority rule. The amount of support/opposition for the Sabarimala ban is completely irrelevant to the decision-making process which is focused on upholding the law and thus chose to end a discriminatory practice. Even in a hypothetical scenario where this ban only affected a single person of the population, the judiciary is honour bound to rule against such a practice. At the end of the day, the protesting women the verdict have the option of following their beliefs and not entering Sabarimala, whilst women with opposing beliefs have had their right to practice freely restored by the Indian judiciary. This is the true value of a secular state and religious pluralism.
In an ideal world, conflicts between positions taken by various religious groups would resolve themselves through some kind of consensus. However, in the real world, the interests of religious groups can often clash with individual liberties, and when this conflict cannot be resolved then state intervention is vital in resolving the conflict through application of the law.

Law is order in liberty, and without order liberty is social chaos.
~ Archbishop Ireland


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